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As Adam Michnik wrote twenty-four years later: "For the people of Poland, John Paul II, by making human rights the central subject of his teaching, will for ever be the man who gave us courage and hope, who restored our historical identity. The Independent, London, Nov. According to a relative of this author, who was then a power plant engineer, this situation was due to the fact that the government had not built enough large power plants to keep up with industrial growth, especially after Gierek built a huge new steel mill in his home town, Katowice, the capital of Upper Silesia.
Furthermore, the government had contracted to export electric power for hard currency payments to Austria, and for rubles to Soviet bloc countries. The Polish transport system was also breaking down. Furthermore, roads and railway tracks were in a bad state due to years of under-investment.
They suffered from state purchase prices set too low to cover their costs. Furthermore, the inefficient state and collective farms obtained fertilizers, cattle feed and machines below cost while private farmers, who produced three times as much per acre, could only buy them on the black market with U. One third of the perishable foodstuffs was routinely spoiled for lack of refrigerated railway cars, trucks and storage facilities.
The same was true in the USSR. Much of the expensive machinery imported from the West stood idle and rusted while the construction of factories, where it was to be used, was delayed or abandoned due to sudden changes in investment priorities, sometimes at the whim of those in power. The shortage was due to the Polish "baby boomers" starting their own families. Young married couples waited an average years for their own apartment in a housing cooperative,meanwhile often living with parents.
Deposits were very high, but demand grew every year. Finally, the health service had deteriorated to the point of disaster. Hospitals were overcrowded; doctors and nurses were woefully underpaid, so they accepted "presents" from their patients. An operation by a well known surgeon usually required a sizable gift in cash. People were dying for lack of foreign medications, which the government had ceased importing to save foreign currency - - but did buy for government clinics used by higher party functionaries, also loyal academicians, artists and scientists.
Ordinary people had to lie in crowded hospital rooms and even in corridors, while the elite enjoyed private rooms, good food, and a high standard of medical care. What is more, luxury was visible in high party circles. Premier Piotr Jaroszewicz's son, who was the head of the government auto import enterprise, was known to gamble in western casinos. TV viewers were surprised to see workers complaining about managers who stole building materials from factories and used factory labor to build their town villas and country houses.
In Lublin, an automobile factory manager complained that East German computers used in car production were imported without instruction manuals -- so he had to learn how to use them by trial and error, thus causing production delays and cost overruns. Baabyukh , who was known for his modest life style.
The murders were professional; robbery seems to have been the motive, but the case remains unsolved. People talked about expected worker unrest when they stood in line to buy food. They said that when the workers rose up again, they would not go out into the streets and get shot, as in December , but would stage sit-in strikes in the factories, shipyards, and coal mines.
Kemp-Welch, Poland under Communism. For the period , see also Michael H. The Birth of Solidarity. On July 1, , Premier Babiuch announced new price hikes for meat and other basic products. As in the past, the government budget was overburdened by food subsidies and payment of interest on foreign debt, hence the decision to raise prices.
The price hike announcement was followed by strikes all over Poland. They were uncoordinated, so government officials settled one after another by agreeing to wage increases. However, in late July, there was a city-wide strike in Lublin, where all the factories went on strike. Also, Lublin railwaymen stopped trains carrying Polish consumer goods to the USSR, and distributed them to the local people.
As the author of this text noticed-- then being in London -- these events did not attract much attention in England, where many people were glued to their TV sets watching the tennis championships at Wimbledon, London. McEnroe lost to Swede Bjorn Borg and was very rude to the umpires.. In mid-August, there was a strike at the Lenin Shipyard, Gdansk, some of whose workers had been killed in the December uprising. Two factors precipitated the strike here: 1 the dismissal of a popular crane operator, Anna Walentynowicz , known to be a member of the Free Baltic Trade Union; and 2 the price hikes, which led the workers to demand pay raises.
This strike might have fizzled out because the shipyard manager -- who had Anna W. Therefore, the workers decided to go back to work. In the meanwhile, however, Lech Walesa, arrived on the scene. He worked as an electrician, was well known at the shipyard and, as mentioned earlier, had been one of the strike leaders in December He had been fired and had worked elsewhere.
Now, he tried to persuade the workers not go back to work, but failed. However, as they began to leave the shipyard to go home, they were stopped at the gates by two women: Anna Walentynowicz the crane driver, and Alina Pienkowska, a nurse. They persuaded some workers to go back to the shipyard.
A third woman, Henryka Krzywonos [pron. Kzhyvohnos] a streetcar driver, was also a strike leader. Moreover, delegates from other Gdansk striking factories and enterprises began to arrive. They appealed to the workers not go give up, but coordinate their activities with them. Walesa put this proposal to about workers out of 10, who were still standing around. They agreed, and began a sit-in strike; they were joined by some others, who returned, for a total of about 1, The MKS gathered in more and more enterprises, not only from other Baltic port cities, but also from other parts of the country, especially Silesia.
A few days later, some intellectuals, mainly from KOR, arrived from Warsaw to offer their help. They joined some Gdansk intellectuals to form a group of advisers led by Tadeusz Mazowiecki pron. Tahdewoosh Mazohvyetskee, b.
The government reacted to these developments by cutting all telephone, rail, road and air communications between Gdansk and the rest of the country - then proposed negotiations. The strikers said: no dice, unless communications are restored. A Deputy Premier, Tadeusz Pyka, arrived in the city, but made no headway.
He was then replaced by Mieczyslaw Jagielski, who had settled the strikes in Lublin. The plenary meetings between the government delegation and the MKS leaders were broadcast over the shipyard loudspeakers. They were recorded on cassettes, which were then carried to other striking enterprises, creating the "cassette revolution. Aandzhey Vaydaa film: The Main of Iron, a follow up on his earlier film: The Man of Marble, showing worker exploitation in the period Most of them were acquainted, which helped in their talks.
Some historians deny the input of Polish intellectuals into the birth of Solidarity, claiming that it followed the example set by the Szczecin workers in December January This was done by telephone where possible, and by courier if not. Indeed, KOR not only spread information around Poland, but also gave it to foreign correspondents.
To this we should add a third factor: the role of KOR members as advisers to Solidarity in its negotiations with the government. Solidarity, New York, , revised edition, , including a Postcript. Kemp-Welch, another English eyewitness, Poland under Communism. See also Jadwiga Staniszkis pron. I, Origins of Solidarity.
The author, a Sociologist, was a Solidarity adviser in the negotiations. Solidarity wanted to abolish censorship, but then demanded a law defining it. The 21 Points was, indeed, an impressive document. Legters, ed. Transformation and Revolution, , Lexington, Mass.
The Polish Crisis of Thus, the Polish Supreme Court delayed the ratification of Solidarity until November , while Rural Solidarity [private peasant landowners] had to wait for recognition until April The Symbols of Solidarity. The symbols used by Solidarity to get its message to the Polish people were recognizable to all: a Religious: the Cross, the image of Our Lady of Czestochowa worn by Walesa in his lapel , and especially, the image of Pope John Paul II; b National Colors: the Polish national colors of white over red.
Polish poems, especially the anti-Russian verses from the poetry of Poland's greatest romantic poet: Adam Mickiewicz The shipyard workers of Gdansk also wrote their own poems and read them in public. This is the authoritative work on the subject. Solidarity also used ceremonies: celebrating the Polish national holidays, which had been dropped by the communists: May 3, in honor of the Constitution of , and November 11, in honor of the anti-Russian uprising of , but, especially the unveiling in Dec.
Designed by an engineer from the shipyard's design division, Bogdan Pietruszka, the three, tall pillars of the monument symbolized the first three shipyard workers killed in Dec. The anchor's religious symbolism was hope. He advised them to use Psalm This was accepted, but the committee decided also to add verses from his poem: You who have wronged a simple man Bursting into laughter at the crime Do not feel safe.
The poet remembers You can slay one, but another is born The words are written down, the deed, the date. Milosz, who won the Nobel Prize for Literature in , visited Poland in spring for the first time since he chose freedom in the West 30 years earlier. He then came to see the monument in Gdansk. He returned to Poland for good after the fall of communism. He lived in Krakow, where he died in August The Solidarity Period, Aug. For the first few months, the country was in a state of euphoria.
There was free speech and free elections of leaders in all kinds of civil and institutional organizations, including university chancellors by the faculty as had been the custom in interwar Poland. As described above, a monument was built in memory of the Gdansk workers killed on December 16, A group of university professors helped draw up a list of Solidarity goals for the nation.
After approval by the Solidarity leadership, they were published in the Solidarity weekly, Tygodnik Solidarnosc, on April 17, They foreshadowed the Solidarity Program announced at the Solidarity congress in summer and approved in October of that year see below. One of the assassins, a Turk named Ali Agca, was apprehended, but acted at his trial as if he were deranged.
He was condemned to life imprisonment later reduced to 20 years. An Italian prosecutor tried to prove a Bulgarian connection, but there was not enough proof. However, in the other assassin, living in Turkey, stated in a newspaper interview that he had been aided to escape by Bulgarians.
In , a document was found in the Russian archives showing that the Politburo of the Soviet Communist Party had approved the taking of "special measures" against the Pope in One of the signatories was Mikhail S. Gorbachev, who was to be a reformer and the last leader of the USSR. The report has a picture of Gorbachev and his wife Raisa being received by the Pope. One may assume that if the Pope had been killed, the disappearance of these two church leaders, both strong supporters of Solidarity, would have had a demoralizing effect on the movement.
In , changes took place in the Polish party-government leadership. On advice from Moscow, Gierek resigned for "health reasons" in September , and was succeeded by a veteran bureaucrat Stanislaw Kania pron. Stahneeslaaf Kanyah, b. Still the party disintegrated; out of a total of 3,, members, a third joined Solidarity. Their leader and key organizer was Zbigniew Iwanow pron.
Zbeegnyev Eevanov. He later emigrated to the United States and died of a heart attack in Texas in However, the Congress did not enact any political or economic reforms, which led to great public disappointment. This was not surprising, however, given the Soviet leadership of the time; it was pressing the Polish leaders to crush Solidarity.
Indeed, storm clouds were gathering over Poland. Also, Soviet warships off the Polish coast. Czech documents show that some Czech and East German troops movements into Poland were scheduled to take place in early December. The Czech movement, called "Operation Karkonose" pron.
Karkohnoshe, a mountain range in the Sudeten mountains , began on the night of December , but was countermanded on December 9. The documents for this operation were destroyed, so that only full access to appropriate Russian documents of the time could clarify exactly what was intended and then cancelled. It is known, however, that a few Czech and East German divisions stood by on their frontiers with Poland until July He reported on the Dec.
Kulinski's report arrived one and half days later. It is not clear what made Brezhnev decide against intervention, but the decision seems to have been made before Dec. This made western governments all the more nervous about a possible Soviet military intervention in Poland. Odom,"Comment on the Warsaw Pact Plan," www. Odom died in June , aged According to John Davis, U. LIV,, no. On the English spy, Geoffrey Prime's selling the information on U. If so, he probably did this in his meeting with the Soviet Ambassador in Italy.
Toward Martial Law. By early , Polish people were growing weary of food shortages and rising prices. As the economic situation grew worse, frustration and unrest increased. The country was in a deep economic crisis and ration cards were introduced.
Tension grew and a general strike was barely averted in March, after police beat up Solidarity delegates in Bydgoszcz. It was averted by an agreement reached in negotiations between Walesa and Deputy Premier Mieczyslaw F. Rakowski,[Myechyslav Rakofskee]. Nevertheless, in March ,Warsaw Pact maneuvers took place in Poland, during which airports were temporarily closed to civilian planes, and rumors flew in the West that a military intervention was taking place in Poland.
General Rudnicki and I told them we didn't think so because the Soviets were fighting a war in Afghanistan, where Soviet troops had come in to support a communist government in December He thought such a system could be established from below, while principal decisions would be coordinated with the central authorities of the PUWP, which would control the police, the military, and foreign policy. Above all, Kuron stressed that the communist government must not fall, for this would precipitate [Soviet] military intervention.
Legters, Eastern Europe, , pp. Walesa was narrowly re-elected chairman, because he was heavily criticized for single-handedly negotiating away the general strike in March, and in general for being "authoritarian. It was based on the program outline published in April, and attempted to combine democratic reforms with continued party leadership and loyalty to Poland's obligations as a member of the Warsaw Pact.
Many of the points made in the program of were to be echoed in , while some of the economic reforms proposed were gingerly tried out by the government in the period The program is worth citing extensively both as a reflection of the thinking of Solidarity leaders and their intellectual supporters at the time, as well as to compare it with what happened after the collapse of communism in History has taught us that there can be no bread without freedom.
We also wanted justice, democracy, truth, freedom of opinion, a reconstructed republic - not just bread and sausage. Since all the basic values had been trampled on, we could not hope to improve the situation unless they were restored. Economic protest was also social protest. These movements did not appear out of the blue, but inherited the blood of the workers killed in Poznan in and the coastal towns in December The union is the fruit of all these struggles, and will remain faithful to them.
What unites us is a revolt against injustice, abuses of power and monopolization of the right to speak and act in the name of the nation. What unites us is our protest against a state which treats the citizens as its own property. Respect for the person must be the basis of action: the state must serve the people instead of dominating them. The state organization must be at the service of society and not be monopolized by a single political party. Solidarity returns to the values of Christian ethics, our national working-class tradition, and the democratic tradition of the labor world Solidarity is also a movement for the moral rebirth of the people.
We hold dear the idea of freedom and independence. The present system of government, based on an all-powerful central party and state institutions, has brought the country to ruin The situation is growing worse, and we are moving toward catastrophe with seven-league boots. Society looks on us as the only guarantors of the agreements that have been signed. This is why the union considers that its main task is to take every possible short and long-term action to save the country from bankruptcy, and society from poverty, despondency and self-destruction.
The only way forward is to renew both state and economy through democratic, social initiatives in every field. Our aim is to perform our great labor of renewal without damaging international alliances; indeed, we seek to provide more solid guarantees for these alliances. The roots of the present crisis lie deep in the economic and political system, and the way in which the authorities, ignoring the needs of society, have blocked all reform projects and squandered huge foreign loans.
Thesis one: we demand that, at every level of leadership, a democratic, self-management reform should enable the new economic and social system to combine planning, autonomy, and the market. A new economic structure must be built The social enterprise The state may influence enterprise activity through various regulations and economic instruments - prices, taxes, interest rates and so on..
It is necessary to sweep away the bureaucratic barriers which make it impossible for the market to operate. Enterprises should be able to operate freely on the internal market.. International trade must be accessible to all enterprises The relation between supply and demand must determine price levels The reform must socialize planning so that the central plan reflects the aspirations of society and is freely accepted by it. Public debates are therefore indispensable Thesis two: the approach of winter necessitates immediate and energetic action; the union declares that people of good will are available.
In our view, the government should investigate the conditions under which Poland might join the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and present them to the public.
Thesis four: The Union recognizes the need for a restored market equilibrium within the framework of an effective anti-crisis program that will involve a national reform and protect the weakest of the population. Thesis six: Although the union will protect everyone, it will take special care of the poorest sections. Thesis seven: The Food Supply is now the most important problem; ration coupons must be honored in practice, and food should be distributed under social control.
Thesis eight: The union will resist growing social inequalities among enterprises and regions. Theses dealt with the implementation of pluralism in all spheres of life. Note Thesis 19, point 4, which sought to appease Polish and Soviet communists: 4.
We hold that the principle of pluralism should apply to political life. Our union will assist and protect civil initiatives which seek to propose different socio-political and economic programs to society. But we will oppose any initiative by leaders of our union to set up political parties. Thesis 21 proclaimed: Regional self-government structures, legally and financially autonomous, should genuinely represent the interests of the local population.
Thesis 23 declared: The system must guarantee basic civil freedoms and respect the principles of equality before the law for all citizens and public institutions. Thesis 24 stated: The administration of justice must be independent, and the repressive apparatus must be subject to social control. Thesis 25 proclaimed: In a Poland based on law, no one should be persecuted for their convictions, nor compelled to act against their conscience. Our Union. Theses dealt with the functioning of the Union, self-management on all levels, independent law courts, and legal guarantees of civil rights.
The New Social Contract. Solidarity is the guarantor of the social accords of , and demands that they be consistently put into practice. The only way to save the country is to realize the constitutional principle of the sovereignty of the nation. Our union establishes its program at a moment when the nation is threatened with catastrophe.
We cannot remain in crisis. A way out must be found. We do not pretend to have a monopoly of the truth. We are ready for an honest and loyal dialogue, an exchange of ideas with the state power, a quest for just decisions which will better serve the country and the interests of working people and citizens.
May this accord unite us around what is national, democratic and human in Poland, around those things that do not divide us. Legters, Eastern Europe.. Meanwhile, General W. Russian documents show that Jaruzelski and Kania were under constant pressure from the Soviet leadership to crush Solidarity, and that they kept on trying to win more time by arguing that the situation was not yet ripe for action.
They also described this pressure in their memoirs. For example, on June 5, , a few days before the meeting of the Polish Central Committee, the Soviet Central Committee sent a letter to members of the Polish Committee - without addressing the leaders - in which it spoke of the threat to the revolutionary achievements of the Polish people.
Not only that, but Kania and Jaruzelski were accused of a dual policy of agreeing with Soviet evaluations of the situation, while at the same time continuing a policy of concessions to "counter-revolution," which was supported by "imperialist forces. At the Central Committee meeting which began in Warsaw on June 10, Kania dramatized the danger of counter-revolution and anarchy, but this was not enough for the hardliners.
They demanded a change in Politburo membership and the crushing of Solidarity by force. On the second day, when Deputy Premier Rakowski defended government policy, some members shouted and stamped their feet in disagreement. Perhaps it was an attempt - directed from Moscow - by these members to take over the leadership?
Whatever the case might be, it was only when several generals close to Jaruzelski spoke in support of the government, that three quarters of the Central Committee voted confidence in the leadership. He met with Kania and Jaruzelski, demanding that they crush Solidarity. He also met with some Polish generals. More importantly, Soviet party leader Brezhnev sent Kania a telegram demanding that the Polish party leaders present him with a plan of action against the "counter-revolution" going on in their country.
Brezhnev repeated his negative views of the Polish situation and insisted that force be used to crush Solidarity. This was clearly judged as inadequate for on August 20, the Soviet government announced drastic reductions in oil and cotton supplies to Poland for the following year, and reduced them further in Polish-Soviet economic negotiations that took place during the Solidarity Congress. This was drastic economic pressure.
Between September 4 and 12, the Soviets announced a series of maneuvers titled "West - 81," which took place in Ukraine, Belarus, the Baltic Republics, and on the Baltic Sea. This was clearly a warning to Solidarity and presssure on the Polish party leaders to impose Martial Law. Its mechanics were approved by high Polish and Soviet military officers in mid-September, but the date was left blank.
Polish-Soviet Talks, Crimea, August 14, On 11 September, the day on which the first part of the Solidarity Congress ended -- after appealing to workers in other Soviet bloc countries to follow their example -- Brezhnev phoned Kania and demanded once again that martial law be implemented in Poland.
He said that if Warsaw Pact communication lines were threatened, the WP countries would act. This was a serious threat. In the second half of September , the Polish leaders received what amounted to a Soviet ultimatum. However, Kania and Jaruzelski managed to stave off this threat as well as reductions in key Soviet supplies for the Polish economy.
It was not surprising that Polish appeals for economic aid to Czechoslovakia yielded only minimum amounts of food and raw materials. For translated documents of this period, see Mark Kramer's articles on Poland in the same issue of the Bulletin, also Paczkowski and Byrne, eds. However, the Solidarity proposal to create a" Mixed Social Council on the National Economy" was rejected by the government side. Jaruzelski proposed the creation of a "National Front of Understanding," in which the communist party would be the leading force.
Whatever he meant by this at the time, Solidarity leaders saw it as reminiscent of the communist-diminated "Front of National Unity" in , which was the prelude to full communist control. Therefore, Walesa and Archbishop Jozef Glemp b. Yoozef Glemp, Cardinal , insisted on the establishment of a real partnership between the state and Solidarity, which Jaruzelski rejected.
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Piotr Paczkowski was 38 years old when Space Race: Launch of Sputnik 1, the first artificial satellite to orbit the Earth. It had its origins in the missile-based nuclear arms race between the two nations that occurred following World War II, aided by captured German missile technology and personnel from the Aggregat program.
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Piotr Paczkowski was 38 years old when Space Race: Launch of Sputnik 1, the first artificial satellite to orbit the Earth. It had its origins in the missile-based nuclear arms race between the two nations that occurred following World War II, aided by captured German missile technology and personnel from the Aggregat program. The technological superiority required for such dominance was seen as necessary for national security, and symbolic of ideological superiority.
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